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Florida Justice Reform Institute

Florida’s opioid legislation facing resistance from CVS and Walgreens

April 8, 2019/in Florida Trend

 

FL Trend

FLORIDA TREND EXCLUSIVE

Florida’s opioid legislation facing resistance from CVS and Walgreens
Jason Garcia | 4/8/2019

The state of Florida late last year sued CVS and Walgreens in federal court, accusing the nation’s largest drugstore chains of creating – and profiting from – a nationwide opioid crisis that kills 17 people a day in Florida alone.

Now, the state’s new attorney general, Ashley Moody, is asking the Florida Legislature to help her make the case. CVS and Walgreens are trying to persuade lawmakers not to do it.

The legislative battle centers around Florida’s prescription drug monitoring program, a central database tracking the distribution of painkillers and other legal-but-addictive drugs around the state. Doctors and pharmacies are required to report into the system, which law enforcement agencies can access as part of criminal investigations and today contains more than 230 million prescription records.

Lawmakers established the database nearly a decade ago as part of a crackdown on pain clinics and pill mills, despite concerns from doctors and pharmacies who feared the information could be exploited in lawsuits. To ease their concerns, legislators included a provision in the law decreeing the records “informational only” and forbidding them from being used as evidence in any civil or administrative action against prescribers or dispensers.

Meanwhile, according to the state Medical Examiners Commission, opioid-related deaths in Florida reached nearly 6,200 in 2017 – an average of 16.9 per day. That prompted the state, under former Attorney General Pam Bondi, to sue some of the nation’s largest manufacturers and distributors of painkillers, including Purdue Pharma, Johnson & Johnson, Janssen, McKesson and AmerisourceBergen, among others. And in November, just before leaving office, Bondi sued CVS and Walgreens, too, accusing the two pharmacy chains – which together have more than 1,500 stores across Florida – of ignoring red flags and failing to implement adequate safeguards in “the race to sell as many opioids as possible.”

Collectively, the defendants represent some of the largest and most profitable companies in the United States. That’s by design: Florida’s lawsuit – and others just like it filed by hundreds of cities, counties and states around the country – ultimately aims to force the companies to pay hundreds of millions of dollars to defray the public costs of the epidemic, for everything from hospital stays and law enforcement investigations to care for displaced children and morgue overcrowding.

CVS and Walgreens have responded by arguing, in part, that the state doesn’t have any evidence that they have done anything but fill legitimate prescriptions. The state’s complaint cites suspicious examples based on the volume of painkillers being sold – for instance, Walgreens reportedly distributed 2.2 million pills from a single company pharmacy in Hudson, a Pasco County town of just 12,000 people. “But they don’t name a single prescription that was filled that was unreasonable on its face or, you know, patently wrong,” Lester Houtz, an attorney for Walgreens, said in an April 2nd hearing on a motion by all the defendants to have the suit dismissed. (The judge denied the motion.)

Moody, a Republican and former circuit judge in Hillsborough County who succeeded Bondi as attorney general in November, is looking for that evidence – from the prescription drug monitoring program. Her office is lobbying the Legislature to pass a bill that would remove the restriction that prevents information from the database from being used in litigation against pharmacies.

A spokeswoman for Moody described the information as helpful to the case, though not indispensable. “While we believe that we can already defeat their defense, the data in the PDMP will allow us to show CVS’ and Walgreens’ wrongful conduct and their culpability in this epidemic,” says Moody spokeswoman Kylie Mason.

Others say the data is crucial. “Only the prescription drug monitoring program has the necessary information so that the attorney general can connect the dots for the judge and the jury in these cases,” Sen. Tom Lee, a Brandon Republican who is sponsoring the Senate version of the bill, told the chamber’s Health Policy Committee during a hearing on the legislation last week.

There has been relatively little opposition to the legislation in public. The bills (HB 1253, SB 1700) have so far advanced through committee stops without a single vote against. But CVS and Walgreens have been raising objections in private. “Pharmacists are scared to death of your bill,” Sen. Aaron Bean, a Fernandina Beach Republican, told Lee during the Health Policy hearing.

A spokesman for Walgreens declined to comment on the legislation. A spokesman for CVS said the company has not lobbied against the legislation – but that it has “raised concerns” about it.

One of their objections is that, while the bill would allow information from the drug database to be used in litigation against pharmacies, it would maintain the prohibition against using the information against doctors. “The bill does not address the role of inappropriate prescribing of opioids by physicians and doctors and the responsibility that prescribers have to check the database before writing such prescriptions,” says CVS spokesman Mike DeAngelis.

The attorney general’s office says it does not need information from the database in order to prosecute doctors. But leaving the liability shield for doctors in place also carries a strategic advantage – it avoids drawing opposition from the Florida Medical Association, which represents doctors and is an influential lobbying group in Tallahassee.

“The more voyeuristic you become with the request for information, the more this room fills up with people who express concerns,” Lee, the Senate sponsor, acknowledged during the Health Quality hearing.

A few organizations have publicly expressed opposition, including the Florida Justice Reform Institute, a business-backed group that opposes the expansion of civil liability for businesses. Like CVS, the organization says the legislation doesn’t address what it says is the root problem. “Ninety-nine-point-nine-nine percent of the problem here is bad doctors who are over-prescribing,” William Large, the institute’s president, told the House Judiciary Committee during a recent hearing on the bill. 

A lobbyist for the Florida Retail Federation, whose members include both CVS and Walgreens, also criticized the legislation because it “unfairly isolates individual pharmacists and pharmacies while keeping in place protections for prescribing physicians.” Records show that Walgreens gave $25,000 to the Retail Federation’s political action committee a few weeks before the legislative session began in March.

The battle resumes Monday, when the Senate Judiciary Committee holds a hearing on the legislation. Though no lawmaker has yet voted against the bill, there are signs the opposition from the pharmacies is resonating with some lawmakers.

Sen. Dennis Baxley, an Ocala Republican, said during the Health Quality meeting that he had “great reservations” about the bill – though he ultimately supported it.

“I have seen many attorney generals across the country use the office to basically shake down large companies. And I don’t believe our attorney general would do that,” he said. “But I sure would like some reassurance that we’re trying to catch bad actors and we’re not trying to redistribute resources.”

https://www.floridatrend.com/article/26623/floridas-opioid-legislation-facing-resistance-from-drug-stores

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Florida Justice Reform Institute

No-fault insurer prevails in attempted class action over Medicare reimbursement

September 26, 2018/in Capitol News Service, CQ Roll Call, Daily Commerical, FlaNewsOnline, Florida Politics, Florida Trend, Florida Watchdog, Orlando Political Observer, Roundtable Politics, Tallahasssee Reports, wctv.tv

 

Florida Politics

No-fault insurer prevails in attempted class action over Medicare reimbursement

Michael Moline – September 26, 2018

A state appeals court has rejected a class action filed by a Medicare Advantage organization seeking double reimbursements for its costs of providing care that should have been covered by a no-fault auto insurer.

In a unanimous ruling, the 3rd District Court of Appeal said such organizations would have to establish each claim separately against Ocean Harbor Casualty Insurance.

The court overruled Miami-Dade Circuit Judge Samantha Ruiz-Cohen, who had certified a class potentially including 37 Florida Medicare Advantage organizations, or MROs.

The lead plaintiff was an entity called MSPA, an assignee of the defunct MRO Florida Healthcare Plus Inc.

“Proof that certain medical bills paid by MSPA’s alleged assignor should have been paid by Ocean Harbor as a primary payer will not establish that other medical bills paid by a different MAO should also have been paid by Ocean Harbor as a primary payer,” Judge Thomas Logue wrote.

“To the contrary, proof to establish liability will necessarily devolve into a series of mini-trials under Florida no-fault law … which precludes a finding of predominance and renders this case inappropriate for class action treatment,” Logue wrote.

“Accordingly, we reverse the provisions of the certification order under review in conflict with this opinion.”

MAOs are private companies that contract with Medicare to provide coverage at a flat rate per enrollee. They profit to the degree they provide the required coverage for less than the flat rate.

The coverage is meant to be secondary to other, primary, coverage, including personal injury protection policies.

Miami plaintiffs’ attorney John Ruiz argued that he could establish the common claims necessary to sustain a class action using an algorithm that analyzes police reports of accidents and other records that Ocean Harbor must report under state and federal law.

He argued that Ocean Harbor’s obligation to pay was automatic once his client established that it had made payments reimbursable by the insurer.

The 3rd DCA disagreed.

“We reject the notion that MSPA claims reimbursement rights are not governed by Florida law relating to the recovery of benefits under a PIP policy, and are therefore automatic,” Logue wrote.

“Instead, MSPA must demonstrate that, in addition to any requirements of federal law, Ocean Harbor was required to make the payment in the first instance under Florida no-fault law for each reimbursement it claims.”

William Large, president of the tort-reformer Florida Justice Reform Institute, praised the outcome.

“The plaintiff has filed dozens of copycat cases against Florida insurers raising the same claims — this case was simply the first to reach the class certification stage,” Large said in a written statement.

“In certifying the class, the trial court failed to rigorously apply Florida’s class action certification requirements, which are necessary to protect defendants’ due process rights. The 3rd DCA recognized this overreach and ruled appropriately.”

http://floridapolitics.com/archives/275876-no-fault-insurer-prevails-in-attempted-class-action-over-medicare-reimbursement 

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Florida Justice Reform Institute

Justice Barbara Pariente: ‘The Questioner’

December 28, 2016/in Florida Trend

 

FL Trend

Justice Pariente

Photo: Scott Keeler/Tampa Bay Times

Florida Supreme Court Justice Barbara Pariente has authored a long list of landmark decisions.

Justice Barbara Pariente: ‘The Questioner’

Barbara Pariente has been a powerful — and sometimes controversial — presence on the Florida Supreme Court for nearly 20 years.
Jason Garcia | 12/28/2016

On the morning of March 4, 2015, a day after the start of the annual legislative session, some of the most powerful politicians in Florida crossed the street from the state Capitol to watch the Florida Supreme Court consider the fate of the state’s newly drawn congressional districts.

There are seven justices on the Florida Supreme Court. But that morning, every eye in the courtroom was fixed on one judge in particular.

From her seat immediately to the right of the chief justice — the traditional place for the court’s senior member — Justice Barbara J. Pariente spent the next hour interrogating both sides of the case. A thick binder open in front of her, documents splayed across her desk, Pariente interrupted attorneys, demanded follow-ups when they did not answer precisely and even occasionally stepped in to debate her fellow justices. Pariente asked more than two dozen questions during the 66-minute hearing, more than all the other justices put together.

On July 9, 2015, she dropped the hammer, writing in her opinion that Florida lawmakers had deliberately violated the anti-gerrymandering standards that voters had written into the state constitution in 2012. Writing on behalf of a 5-2 majority, she ordered lawmakers to redraw the maps to the standards that she herself had spelled out. They weren’t able to do so; the courts wound up approving maps drawn by groups that had challenged the lawmakers’ maps.

The ruling was one of seven major opinions — 591 pages of precedent- setting jurisprudence — that Pariente wrote during the yearslong redistricting battle. It added to a long, and still-growing, list of landmark decisions she has authored shaping Florida law on everything from civil rights to executive power. And it cemented her reputation as the most important judge on the state’s highest court.

In fact, some people in Tallahassee consider Pariente — a 68-yearold grandmother who loves books and Broadway — the most important person in Florida politics right now.

“Justice Barbara Pariente’s impact on law and public policy over the last 19 years has been profound,” says William Large, president of the Florida Justice Reform Institute, a business-funded group that lobbies for tort reform and has frequently found itself on the losing end of Pariente’s opinions. “And it far eclipses the legacies of Govs. Bush, Crist and Scott — combined.”

Positive impression

Pariente was born on Christmas Eve 1948 in New York City, the first of two daughters. Her father sold bulk chocolate for the Blumenthal Brothers Chocolate Co., the maker of Raisinets, Sno Caps and Goobers. Her mother had graduated from high school at 15 and took a job paying $5 a week to do secretarial work for an attorney. The family moved to suburban New Jersey when Pariente was 9.

She studied broadcasting at Boston University and then enrolled in law school at George Washington University, where an uncle, an antitrust lawyer who served on a commission advising President Dwight Eisenhower, had once been a professor. There were about 17 male students for every female student.

During law school, Pariente interned in the District of Columbia public defender’s office and was assigned to the case of a woman who had been arrested for prostitution. She and the lawyer she was working for successfully argued that police were unequally enforcing the law because they were using only male detectives for undercover stings — and, as a result, only arresting the prostitutes themselves and never the “johns” that were soliciting them.

Pariente subsequently co-wrote a law review article called “The Prostitution of the Criminal Law,” urging other attorneys to attack prostitution statutes on equal protection and right-to-privacy grounds. The article argued that women were being victimized by prostitution laws and called for the decriminalization of prostitution: “Prostitution,” Pariente and her co-author wrote, “both in the preliminary solicitation and negotiations and in the act itself, is overwhelmingly a private, consensual affair between individuals who wish to make their own decisions as to how to control their sexual lives and use their bodies.”

Pariente graduated fifth in her class. Unable to find a job at a D.C. firm, she moved to Florida, drawn, after two decades in the Northeast, by the prospect of warmer weather. She landed a two-year clerkship with the late Norman Roettger Jr., a federal judge in the Southern District of Florida.

From Roettger’s Fort Lauderdale courtroom, Pariente met some of the top litigators in Florida. They were as impressed with her as she was with them, says Aaron Podhurst, a Miami attorney. “She was very inexperienced, and Judge Roettger was a very strong judge. But she maneuvered that very well,” says Podhurst, who encouraged Pariente to pursue a career as a trial lawyer.

Once the clerkship ended, Pariente was hired as an associate at Cone, Wagner, Nugent, Johnson, Hazouri & Roth of West Palm Beach. She was assigned to the trial team under Al Cone, founder of the Academy of Florida Trial Lawyers (known today as the Florida Justice Association). Her first case involved a workplace accident at a Pepsi bottling plant.

Forming bonds Florida courtrooms in the mid- 1970s were, Pariente says, an “allwhite- male club,” an environment where rival attorneys and judges — all men — regularly referred to her as “honey.” There were a few women practicing at Palm Beach County courtrooms at the time, and they bonded over the experience. They would meet regularly for dinner and drinks, often at one another’s home, in something of an informal support group. Some of Florida’s most important female trailblazers were at those dinners: Rosemary Barkett, who would become the first woman to serve on the Florida Supreme Court; Edna Caruso, one of the state’s first female appellate attorneys; Mary Lupo, the first female judge in Palm Beach County; and Lois Frankel, who now represents the area in the U.S. Congress.

“We were just having fun and keeping our nose to the grindstone and trying to show the men that we were serious about being good lawyers,” Caruso says.

Pariente married Dennis Koehler, an environmental law attorney whom she had met in law school and who was elected to the Palm Beach County Commission in 1976. They had a son, Joshua, in 1977, but divorced in 1980. Pariente remarried six years later, to Fred Hazouri, a partner at Cone Wagner who later became an appellate court judge. They blended their families, Pariente becoming a stepmother to two children. The couple celebrated their 30th anniversary last April.

By 1980, Pariente had made partner at her firm. Three years later, she and another partner, Louis Silber, decided to start their own practice in West Palm Beach. Silber says Pariente immersed herself in the lives of her clients, forging personal and enduring bonds. She continued sending Christmas cards to former clients years after their cases had concluded.

Silber says Pariente outworked her competition, frequently toiling late into the night researching cases and writing briefs. Pariente was especially adept at anticipating opponents’ arguments and spotting potential problems in advance. “She was so good at identifying issues,” Silber says. “Some lawyers like to shoot from the hip, but you weren’t going to do that with Barbara.”

At her peak, Pariente was handling between 50 and 75 cases a year and making weekly court appearances. She won a $1.2 millionsettlement from Honda in a case in which a 9-year-old girl’s leg was amputated following a motorcycle crash. Honda fought to keep critical documents secret in the case, but Pariente persuaded the court that the car manufacturer had willfully violated discovery orders, prompting the court to enter a default judgment of liability.

Later, she won $1.2 million from International Harvester following a tractor rollover and $560,000 from Nationwide on a bad-faith insurance claim. She represented pepper farmers when they were sold defective seeds by an agribusiness and Erika Mattfield Kirk when she filed for divorce from her husband, former Florida Gov. Claude Kirk. The pepper farmers won, and the Kirks reconciled.

Pariente’s work drew the attention of Florida Gov. Lawton Chiles. Chiles, the last Democrat to serve as Florida’s governor, appointed Pariente in September 1993 to a seat on the 4th District Court of Appeal. Four years later — in December 1997, a year before his death — Chiles elevated her to the Supreme Court.

The second woman to serve on the Florida Supreme Court was still celebrating when she received a phone call from then- Justice Charles Wells: “You’re going to have to bone up because we have two death warrants,” he told her.

“That was really my introduction to the court,” she says.

On the court, Pariente has written decisions extending anti- discrimination protections to pregnant women, prohibiting the state from sentencing juvenile offenders without the possibility of parole and ensuring that the woman who provides the egg in a lesbian relationship has the same parental rights as the woman who carried the child to term.

She has been willing to defy precedent. In a 2001 case that still infuriates business lobbyists, Pariente wrote the opinion declaring that a victim who slipped on a banana peel in Publix could sue for negligence, shifting the burden to Publix to produce evidence that it exercised reasonable care under the circumstances.

Wells, who retired from the Supreme Court in 2009, says Pariente has remained consistent since joining the court. “I think she arrived fairly well-formed,” he says.

Pariente has at times proved prescient: As early as 2003, she warned in her opinions that Florida’s death penalty was unconstitutional, correctly anticipating a decision the U. S. Supreme Court handed down last year.

But she has at times overreached: In a 2011 opinion, Pariente wrote that a drug-sniffing dog alone could not provide police with probable cause to search a vehicle. The decision was later overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court.

She seems to relish having a voice in the state’s major debates. When the court ordered a statewide re-count following the 2000 presidential election, Pariente wrote a concurring opinion in which she recommended specific election-law reforms. She appended to her opinion a copy of John Greenleaf Whitter’s 1852 poem, “The Poor Voter on Election Day.” More recently, she warned in a dissenting opinion that a solar-energy constitutional amendment promoted by the utility industry was a “wolf in sheep’s clothing.” (The proposed amendment was unsuccessful in November.)

High energy

In March 2003, Pariente was diagnosed with breast cancer. She underwent a 14-hour double mastectomy and reconstructive surgery, followed by a summer of chemotherapy during which she lost her hair. She initially wore wigs to the courtroom until, she says, she tired of “masquerading as if all was normal.” On Oct. 7, she walked into the courtroom proudly bald.

“She has more energy than God should ever give one person,” jokes former Justice Kenneth Bell, who served on the court from 2002 to 2008 and often wound up on the opposite side of Pariente in cases.

What has most struck lawyers, legislators and others who watch the court closely is Pariente’s seeming knack for landing the assignment to write many of the Supreme Court’s most high-profile opinions. She wrote the ruling in Bush v. Schiavo invalidating a law passed to keep Terri Schiavo — a woman in an irreversible vegetative state — alive on feeding tube. She wrote Bush v. Holmes declaring one of former Gov. Jeb Bush’s prized voucher programs unconstitutional. And she wrote the opinion in Castellanos v. Next Door Co., throwing out strict limits on attorney fees that the Legislature had imposed in workers’ compensation cases. Pariente said the caps lead to arbitrary and sometimes unfair attorney awards and made it harder for workers to find attorneys to represent them.

Cases are assigned to each of the court’s seven justices on a rotating basis and that process typically determines who writes the opinion. But justices say there are times — enough that “it’s not surprising” when it happens, says former Justice Harry Lee Anstead — that a justice who is on the dissenting side after the initial internal conference persuades enough colleagues to their side that she or he winds up with the majority — and then writes the opinion.

Having her name on so many important opinions has fueled the perception that she is the leader of the justices perceived as “liberal.”

“Justice Pariente has a reputation as one of the court’s hardestworking justices and has been extremely effective in having her perspective on the law announced as the opinion of a majority of the Florida Supreme Court,” says Daniel Nordby, a partner in the Tallahassee office of Shutts & Bowen.

Pariente dismisses the notion that she is any more a leader than any other justice on the court. She says it is a misconception driven by the fact that she simply asks more questions than most during oral arguments. “Every time I go out for an oral argument I realize, ‘Maybe I shouldn’t ask too many questions.’ And yet it is in my nature to be a questioner,” she says. “I question a lot, even in my personal life. That’s just who I am.”

Now in her 20th year on the court, Pariente splits her time between Tallahassee and Palm Beach, living alone in the capital during the week when the court is in session and spending weekends at home with Hazouri, who retired from the 4th DCA in 2013 and now works as a mediator. She is in a book club with friends in Palm Beach (she’s been pushing to include more non-fiction), and she and Hazouri have an annual weekend in New York City with Silber and his wife to take in a Broadway show (she’s already seen “Hamilton” — twice).

Fellow justices uniformly describe Pariente as a passionate debater during internal conferences — though they all also say she is collegial, willing to listen to all sides of a debate and respectful of those who disagree with her.

One of her closest friends on the court was former Justice Raoul Cantero, who served from 2002 to 2008 and frequently argued against Pariente’s interpretations. The two worked out of adjacent offices, ate lunch together and occasionally dined with their spouses. At Cantero’s retirement ceremony, Pariente gave one of the speeches.

“It was a lot of fun to work with her and to debate with her,” Cantero says. “We would talk about cases together and sometimes I would change her mind; sometimes she would change my mind. We were both coming at it from intellectual places.”

‘Political football’

Outside the court, though, conservatives are more hostile. A few years ago, the Republican-controlled Florida House of Representatives attempted to split the Supreme Court and prevent Pariente — along with Justices Fred Lewis, another Chiles appointee, and Peggy Quince, a joint appointee of Chiles and Gov. Jeb Bush — from voting in any civil cases. Then the Republican Party of Florida urged voters to oppose the three justices’ merit-retention re-elections, the first time a political party had taken sides in a judicial-retention election. Both efforts were unsuccessful, though new House Speaker Richard Corcoran (R-Land O’ Lakes) has suggested he will pursue more court changes.

Pariente has, somewhat unusually for a sitting judge, pushed back. She has been critical of the Legislature, as well as Bush and Gov. Rick Scott, for making the judicial nominating process more partisan. She has warned of a “systematic attack” on the judiciary aimed at making the courts “more responsive to special interests.” She has even joked about wishing for the ability to “cross-examine” Republican Party of Florida leaders over claims they made during the 2012 retention campaign.

That 2012 campaign appears to have been deeply scarring to Pariente. At one point during that race, a GOP lawmaker who disliked Pariente, Quince and Lewis called for an investigation of them for using a court employee to notarize their re-election documents — a common practice among judges at all levels. Gov. Scott obliged, ordering the Florida Department of Law Enforcement to conduct a probe. Pariente has described the experience of having to answer questions from FDLE agents as “personally just very devastating.”

Friends say Pariente, who will be forced to retire from the court in January 2019 after reaching the mandatory retirement age of 70, has come to view the battle to preserve the political independence of the judiciary as a legacydefining issue.

“I am so fearful that this third branch of government is going to remain a political football,” she says. “If you ask what do I think is the most important part of the judicial branch, (it is that) we are the branch to uphold the rule of law, to apply laws equally, to uphold the Constitution and to enforce rights. If you get judges or justices who see their role as advancing one party’s agenda or another, that is very dangerous.”

Pariente’s Pen

Some important opinions written by Justice Barbara J. Pariente:

Owens v. Publix 2001/majority opinion 
Ruled that a business could be sued in a slip-and-fall negligence case if it can be shown that the business should have known about the hazard that caused the accident, instead of requiring the victim to prove that the business did know about it.

Butler v. State 2003/dissenting opinion 
Warned that Florida’s death-penalty law was unconstitutional, correctly anticipating a decision handed down by the U. S. Supreme Court 13 years later.

Bush v. Schiavo 2004/majority opinion 
Ruled unconstitutional a law to keep a braindamaged woman alive despite rulings in favor of her husband, who wished to remove her from life support.

Bush v. Holmes 2006/majority opinion 
Declared unconstitutional a private-school voucher program championed by former Gov. Jeb Bush.

Harris v. Florida 2011/majority opinion
Determined that an alert from a drug-sniffing police dog does not by itself constitute probable cause for an officer to search a vehicle, a decision later overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court.

D. M.T. v. T.M.H. 2013/majority opinion 
Provided that a woman in a same-sex couple who contributes the egg for a pregnancy maintains the same parental rights as the woman who carries the child to term.

Graham v. Haridopolos 2013/majority opinion
Ruled that the Legislature had the power to set tuition rates at state universities and colleges, siding with the Legislature in a dispute with the Board of Governors.

Redistriciting 2013-15/six majority opinions, one concurring opinion 
Pariente’s rulings included interpreting new redistricting standards for the first time, ruling that legislators could be compelled to testify at trial and ultimately declaring that the Legislature had drawn unconstitutional congressional districts.

Delva v. Continental 2014/majority opinion) 
Prohibited discrimination on the basis of pregnancy.

Castellanos v. Next Door 2016/majority opinion
Declared unconstitutional strict limits on attorney fees that the Legislature had imposed in workers’ compensation cases.

Westphal v. St. Petersburg 2016/majority opinion
Declared unconstitutional limits set by the Legislature for disability benefits in workers’ compensation cases.

Atwell v. State 2016/majority opinion 
Prohibited juvenile offenders from being sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole.

See Full Article

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Florida Justice Reform Institute

Florida’s Supreme Court in Transition

December 26, 2014/in Florida Trend

 

FL Trend

Florida Supreme Court

Florida’s Supreme Court in transition
Gov. Rick Scott could appoint four new justices to the Florida Supreme Court during his second term.
Jason Garcia | 12/26/2014

Michelle Evette McCall gave birth to a healthy boy on Feb. 23, 2006. Four days later, McCall was dead after a series of mistakes, including a more than one hour delay of a critical blood test.

McCall’s family sued for medical malpractice. A district court determined her family had suffered $2 million in “noneconomic damages” — penalties for pain and suffering. But the court awarded them only half of that amount because a 2003 law, part of an overhaul of medical malpractice laws, limited noneconomic damages in such cases to $1 million.

Last March, however, the Florida Supreme Court ruled the non-economic damages cap unconstitutional. In its ruling, the court rebuked the Legislature, suggesting that it had an invented an “alleged medical malpractice crisis” to justify the strict lawsuit limits.

The case was decided on a 5-2 vote, with Justices Charles T. Canady and Ricky Polston dissenting. A Florida Trend analysis of nearly 1,000 opinions issued since the current seven justices have been on the court since early 2009 shows that nearly one of every 10 cases is decided by that same 5-to-2 split.

More than 70% of the court’s decisions, many of which involve death-penalty appeals or court rules, are unanimous. But when there is dissension, it most often pits Canady and Polston, widely regarded as the court’s most conservative justices, against the other five.

Altogether, Canady has been on the prevailing side of a decision 83% of the time, while Polston has been so 86% of the time. By comparison, Justices Peggy A. Quince and Barbara J. Pariente have been on the winning side 95% of the time, while Justice R. Fred Lewis is at 96%. The court’s two newest justices, Jorge Labarga and James E. C. Perry, have been on the prevailing side of more than 97% of decisions, reflecting their roles as the closest thing the current court has to swing votes.

Lewis and Pariente were both appointed by the late Lawton Chiles, a Democrat, while Quince was a joint appointee of Chiles and former Republican Gov. Jeb Bush. The remaining four were appointed by former Gov. Charlie Crist, who was elected as a Republican but left office as an independent; Canady and Polston were appointed in the first half of Crist’s tenure; Labarga and Perry, in the latter half.

The divide hasn’t gone unnoticed by court watchers. “Observers of the court have noted that there is a consistent 5-to-2 result on certain rulings,” says William Large, president of the Florida Justice Reform Institute. The organization lobbies for reforms that limit lawsuits against businesses.

“There seems to be a healthy tension between the two factions as to what the proper role of the court is,” Large says.

That tension is particularly visible in cases, like McCall’s, that involve the power of the governor and the Legislature.

In recent years, for example, the court has rejected a law that would have allowed people who sign petitions for constitutional amendment campaigns to later take back their support. It has ignored attempts by the Legislature to retroactively intervene in lawsuits, including in one case against home builder Maronda Homes and in an array of cases involving asbestos litigation. It has ruled that lawmakers could Be forced to testify in a trial over how they drew the state’s political boundaries. And it has blocked Gov. Rick Scott from unilaterally halting rule-making by executive agencies. All were 5-to-2 decisions.

In a single day in 2010, the court stopped three constitutional amendments proposed by the Legislature from appearing on the ballot — one attempting to undermine two citizen-led redistricting proposals, one protesting the federal Affordable Care Act and a third mandating deep property-tax cuts. Four years later, the court overruled objections from the Legislature and allowed a medical-marijuana amendment to stay on the ballot. All but the marijuana decision were decided by a 5-to-2 margin; in the marijuana case, Labarga joined Canady and Polston in dissenting.

The series of decisions has infuriated Florida Republicans, who have controlled the executive and legislative branches since 1998. Many view the Chiles appointees, in particular, as the final Democratic weeds to be rooted out of state government.

In 2012, the executive board of the Republican Party of Florida voted to oppose the merit retention votes of Lewis, Pariente and Quince, the first time either party had taken sides in such a vote. All three were retained. The year before, then-House Speaker Dean Cannon (R-Winter Park) proposed a plan that would have split the court into criminal and civil divisions and forced the Chiles appointees onto the criminal side, where they would presumably rarely have decided cases involving the Legislature or tort reform. The plan failed to pass, though some GOP lawmakers have privately begun discussing whether to resurrect the concept.

“I think they take great pride in being that last bastion of liberal control in Florida government,” Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fort Walton Beach) says of the Chiles appointees. Gaetz says he considers them “an outcome-driven group of liberal ideologues.”

Change is coming to the court. Mandatory retirement will force Perry from the bench in 2017, giving the newly re-elected Scott his first appointment to the state’s high court. And Scott will most likely get to choose the replacements for Lewis, Pariente and Quince, since all three must retire as Scott’s term ends.

The law is unsettled, but the most likely scenario appears to be that Scott will get to appoint their replacements. A Republican gubernatorial successor would be unlikely to challenge Scott’s end-of-term appointments. A Democrat successor could try to negotiate joint appointments, as with Chiles and Bush, or would have to sue to block Scott.

Most expect Scott to seek out justices closer in philosophy to Canady and Polston. The governor has been aggressively remaking the state’s Judicial Nominating Commissions, the nine-member panels that screen and recommend judges for appointments. Under a rewrite of the process championed by Bush, the governor gets to choose five of the nine members on each JNC himself and picks the remaining four from slates nominated by the Florida Bar. Neither Bush nor Crist ever rejected a list of nominations sent by the Bar; Scott has done so 19 times, forcing the organization to send new sets of nominees more to his liking.

Among those the governor has added so far to the Supreme Court JNC: A GrayRobinson attorney who represented George W. Bush during the 2000 presidential re-count, and the former general counsel in the Florida House of Representatives under former Republican House Speaker Will Weather ford.

https://www.floridatrend.com/article/17961/floridas-supreme-court-in-transition 

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